IN A LEAGUE 
OF HIS OWNby James Reed  The day that 
I had dreaded had arrived: a phone call from Adelaide from Mrs. Betty Luks telling 
me that the great League of Rights man, Eric Butler was dead. There is a strange 
sadness which comes from the passing of a truly great person, a sadness quite 
unlike the passing of a loved one. It is a sense that someone has sacrificed so 
much, who fought the good fight so hard, is no longer here and that the torch 
has now been passed on to us.  Eric Butler, 
following in the footsteps of another great man, Major Clifford Hugh Douglas, 
saw Western Christian civilisation as under threat. The forces of darkness and 
decay manifested in various forms throughout the 20th century, and of course, 
today. But in general the threats were made against the freedom of the individual 
and the fundamental Christian values which brought forth the philosophy, art, 
law and culture of the West. Whether the forces of decay, decadence and despair 
went under the name of communism or feminism - or today, the more trendy globalism 
- the goal is the same - our enslavement and ultimate elimination from the face 
of the earth.  Major Douglas saw this threat 
and so did Eric Butler. The social credit tradition sought, and still does strive, 
to oppose the levelling, culture-crunching effects of globalisation by giving 
the alternative vision of the economy which preserves sanity. Social Credit though 
is more than just an economic theory - it is a world view or coherent philosophy 
of life.  Douglas said this, but the tremendous 
achievement of Eric D. Butler, which I believe rightfully, gives him credit to 
being a leading world public intellectual, is that Eric breathed life, real life 
into social credit. Whether it be the everyday event, or the historically spectacular, 
Eric in his insightful writings clearly and thoughtfully gave a social credit-based 
account of this reality. His approach to life and thought was one of earthy, pragmatic, 
realism - shorn of the nonsense and snobbery that comes with a university education. 
A far better, more valuable education was the university of life, which was Eric's 
teacher.  Thus as a young man he rode his bike 
countless miles to speak with people at various meetings. Through tireless practice 
he developed a remarkable oration ability. It was truly a pleasure to listen to 
Eric Butler give a speech. The ability to literally spell-bind audiences with 
thoughtful, searching and insightful speeches that precisely nailed down the real 
issues with no fuss and bother always impressed me. Listening to Eric speak on 
tape is of course magic, but having been there at the time, the real magic was 
to see the great man in action.  Eric Butler 
was a public speaker of the highest calibre because he was an intellect of the 
highest calibre. By this I don't mean in any narrow IQ sense: I mean in a real 
life experience sense. Over lunch with him one day in Melbourne I was on about 
my pet theme of the rise of feminism and the decline of manhood. He addressed 
my meandering remarks with a story about his youth. He said that as a young man 
he used to go to the bush and work with a farmer lugging bags of wheat on to a 
truck. How many young blokes today could do that he asked? A simple homespun truth 
captured a profound philosophical truth about our plight.  Eric 
has left me a hundred stories like that, that will be with me until my time comes. 
I could go on and on for pages in praise of Eric Butler. But in a few concluding 
remarks I will merely say that the spirit of this good, courageous champion of 
that which is right and noble will remain as a living inspiration for those who 
love freedom and truth.  Goodbye, 
dear, dear friend - it was an honour to have known you.  Requiescant in 
pace   | 
     A KNIGHT 
OF THE SPIRIT by Betty Luks  The great 
man Eric Butler aged 90 years has passed away. All his friends are sad at his 
passing, but there is also a great appreciation for having known the man. The 
question I ask at his passing: "What difference did my association with Eric Butler 
make to my life?  For myself, he was instrumental 
in changing the direction of my life, revealing aspects of the Christian faith 
I had never thought of, and helping me understand some aspects of the social credit 
vision as first articulated by Clifford Hugh Douglas.  But, most of all, his 
work and life challenged me to look closer and deeper to the teachings of Christ 
and the influence of the Christian Faith on the stream of history from whence 
we come - the British stream of history.  From 
early youth Eric had read all the known historians but it was the work of Clifford 
Hugh Douglas that stimulated him to search for a more realistic approach to history. 
"History," wrote Douglas "is crystallised politics. History is not just a series 
of disconnected episodes concerning the birth of kings, wars and other events"; 
and "the policies are the manifestations of underlying philosophies." [1] 
 Douglas' writings prompted Butler to study the importance of the underlying 
philosophy of the Christian Faith. Douglas had insisted we must all get a right 
relationship between "the mind and things". Douglas had outlined policies of a 
realistic Christian Faith, stemming from the philosophy inherent in Christ's teachings 
as recorded in the New Testament.  Reality 
is all One Piece, both the things seen and unseen:  Too many people thought 
the League, and Eric Butler in particular, had made a cult figure of Clifford 
Hugh Douglas. That is because they couldn't - or wouldn't - grasp the truth, the 
glimpses of Truth, to which Douglas directed them.  L.D. Byrne, a colleague 
of Clifford Douglas could write: "Divine Authority is manifested in Divine or 
Natural Law, the law which governs Creation - the law to which the stars and planets 
are obedient, the Law which governs all forms of life, the structure of matter 
and the nature and behaviour of light. Man endowed with free will must seek and 
conform to that Law - that Canon of Rightness as the late Major Douglas described 
it - if he wishes to achieve harmony within the environment in which he 
finds himself, both in personal life and in the society which he creates."  Man 
is free to ignore or flout the Divine Law and thereby cuts himself off from God 
and elevates to the focal point in his life his own object of worship - be it 
power, race, wealth - there are many gods in this day and age. Butler saw these 
truths and spent the rest of his life warning his fellow Australian:  Whether 
from his own choosing or by default, he "brings disaster upon himself because 
he has alienated himself from the source of Life and Creation and laid himself 
open to the destructive forces of Evil. The evidence of this is provided by the 
growing chaos of our time." [2]  An 
appalling conceit:  Many a time when I accompanied Eric on a speaking tour, 
I observed whilst seated in the audience, the teacher, the lawyer, the politician 
and/or the journalist sneeringly pooh-hoohing his words and warnings. They, in 
their incredulous conceit could not accept that we, as Australians, were flouting 
this Canon of Rightness, and were on a road to disaster. Who, in fact, wanted 
God? They were educated persons.  Messages 
are now pouring in acknowledging the passing of Eric Butler and his lifetime's 
work, including many from within what is broadly termed 'the freedom movement'. 
There are those who promote an 'Australian nationalism', 'monetary reform', 'a 
sovereign Australia', etc., but have not yet grasped the breadth and depth of 
Christian spiritual understanding from which Eric Butler was 'drinking'. I can 
only encourage them to look closer and deeper.  An 
'Australian nationalism' could mean anything from National Socialism to a nation 
controlled by Monopoly Capitalism. There are many varieties of 'Monetary reform' 
circulating around the world, but not necessarily based on Douglas's proposals 
and with his underlying Christian beliefs and philosophy.  Just as was written 
of Douglas, the same is true of Butler:  "Douglas's attitude toward the 
relationship of the individual to the group is based, both implicitly and explicitly, 
on a Christian anthology
The individual soul is the substantial reality
the association 
is merely the doing of something by individuals." [3]  To 
Whom much is given
 much is required
  I did not see Eric Dudley Butler 
as a 'saint', in fact, at times he was quite an 'abrasive' personality and in 
his younger days did not suffer fools gladly - but mellowed over the years. And 
no one else but his wife Elma could have kept up with the demands made by his 
lifestyle. I saw him as a great man because he had remained faithful to those 
small portions of the greater Truth stemming from Christ's teachings. Douglas, 
having 'glimpsed those small portions', explained in finer detail for those who 
were hungry to know. Douglas referred to them as belonging to the "Canon 
of Rightness" inherent within Creation. (We were told, "Heaven and earth 
will pass away, but My words will never pass away.") Eric, having grasped 
the revelation of Douglas, spent the rest of his life traipsing around this great 
wide land, first by bicycle, then motor bike, then later in his trusty battered 
Toyota Crown car, always encouraging his fellow Australian to seek those truths 
- and apply them.  By his words "I am going to save Australia" I 
understand it to mean: 'to help make Australia whole(some)'.
   
I finish with Eric's own words:  "Christianity's alleged failure is that of 
individuals who failed to grasp the message of real freedom which Christ brought 
and to take Christ's advice. The genius of Douglas enabled him to present the 
true nature of both democracy and Christianity. Douglas provided the key to the 
door which must be opened to enable the individual to enter the kingdom. But that 
key must be turned by the individual with the knowledge and the will to do so. 
The future of Christianity now depends upon those who have grasped the Truths 
- the glimpse of Reality - dis(un)covered and presented by Douglas."  References:  
[1] "Releasing Reality," by Eric Butler 1979.  [2] 
"The Sword of the Spirit," by L.D. Byrne 1973.  [3] Essay 
- "Power and Freedom" by Michael Lane 1999.   | 
     
THE DIGNITY AND THE DISMALby 
Nigel Jackson  Further Notes in Defence of our Monarchy  It 
is a commonplace of political commentary that, as regards constitutional change 
in Australia, most citizens do not place a high priority on resolving the debate 
between monarchists and republicans. Despite this, an apparent alliance between 
Big Business, Big Politics and Big Media seems determined to force a republic 
on Australia, regardless of the fairly decisive result of the 1999 referendum, 
and regardless of the interests of most Australians. Their most frequent mantra 
is that an Australian republic is 'inevitable'. As this was chanted repeatedly 
before the 1999 referendum in vain, it has lost a little bit of its persuasive 
gloss; but it is still being regularly announced in the major media, no doubt 
in an attempt to hypnotise uncommitted folk and dispirit fringe monarchists.  Something 
that suggests, however, that the Big Republican Alliance (BRA) is not really so 
confident is the fact that major newspapers like The Australian and The 
Age, avowedly republican, continue, as before, to publish a disproportionate 
number of opinion articles favouring a republic. One suspects that the BRA is 
well aware that the monarchists possess superior arguments and that loss of the 
Australian Crown is not in the interests of most Australians. A level playing 
field on the opinion pages of our major dailies would soon make this embarrassingly 
obvious to a sufficient number of citizens to stymie republicanism in the next 
referendum - one which the BRA can hardly afford to lose (as denying a double 
rejection of a republic and calling for a third referendum within a short period 
of time might seem too brazen to too many ordinary Australians and lead to the 
asking of very awkward questions indeed).  The eightieth birthday of Her Majesty 
the Queen was an ideal time for the major media to show magnanimity by inviting 
monarchist spokespeople to contribute opinion articles celebrating not only Her 
Majesty's long and illustrious life but also the institution of the Australian 
Crown. Both The Australian and The Age (in Melbourne) muffed the 
opportunity. Not only that, each published attacks on the Queen! Nothing shows 
more clearly the wilful bias of our pro-republican major media; and nothing has 
declared more obviously the inherent pusillanimity of republicanism itself. For 
monarchy and republicanism are not two options of equal moral and spiritual weight. 
They represent fundamentally different beliefs about the nature of Man and the 
universe within which he lives.  Thus, in defending the Crown, monarchists 
are supporting not only a superior constitutional structure but a truer understanding 
of human nature and destiny. Hereditary monarchy is a hierarchical social and 
political organisation in which authority comes down from God, through the Monarch 
and his or her sacred vows during the coronation ceremony, to the subjects of 
the realm. These subjects, therefore, have a constant reminder and encouragement 
to lift their own gaze upwards to the Monarch and to God above. Republicanism 
usurps divine and royal authority by seductively offering power to the people 
(an analogous seduction to that of the Serpent in the Garden of Eden). It pretends 
to be democratic but in fact is the tool of elites bent upon the selfish assumption 
to themselves of power, wealth and worldly prestige.  II 
 In The Age on the eve of Her Majesty's birthday (20th April) Graham 
Smith, campaign co-ordinator for Republic, the UK movement for an elected head 
of state, wrote under the headline 'The Queen should abdicate'. Smith falsely 
asserted that it is unacceptable for H. R. H. the Prince of Wales to assume some 
of the duties of Her Majesty. Smith depended on a ludicrous comparison of this 
situation with a prime minister passing part of his work to his son. Constitutional 
monarchy, of course, being based on heredity (one of its strengths), is fundamentally 
different from the roles of elected presidents and prime ministers. It is appropriate 
for Prince Charles to represent his mother more often, since the experience will 
better fit him to rule when (God willing) his own reign comes.  Smith also 
objected to the alleged lack of political impartiality of Prince Charles. Here 
he was foolishly confusing two very different royal roles. A Prince of Wales has 
a freedom to speak which the Monarch does not. Prince Charles has proved through 
his many spirited and adroit public speeches to be one of the most articulate 
Princes of Wales in British history; but it can be confidently assumed that he 
will adopt a different approach to state affairs when on the throne.  A third 
canard advanced by Smith was the alleged unpopularity of the Prince. He relied 
on opinion polls of dubious reliability and neglected to note that any real unpopularity 
is largely a media creation dependent upon the regular circulation of misinformation. 
One suspects that the BRA would like to stage coups upon Her Majesty's death to 
prevent the assumption of power by an allegedly 'unpopular' Prince. The BRA has 
good reason to fear the astuteness, the patriotism and the intelligent traditionalism 
of Prince Charles, once he rules. As for Prince William, he currently draws to 
himself enormous popular good will, which will be hard for the BRA spin doctors 
to erode, so long as he avoids mistakes. The millennium was thought to be one 
possible point of entry for republicanism; the transition from Her Majesty to 
her successor is perceived as another, after which there may be no similar advantageous 
moment for half a century or more.  Desperate for arguments, Smith even resorted 
to the suggestion that former Crown dominions like Australia (which are still 
fundamentally British in make-up and nature) should follow the lead of Caribbean 
members of the Commonwealth in ditching the monarchy when Her Majesty dies! As 
though lions should copy mice!  Smith was no doubt correct in stating that 
'an Australian republic would give a huge boost to the British republican movement.' 
There, surely, is the real motivation of his tirade - and of the BRA attempt to 
destroy the Australian Crown. First us; later the British Crown. And why? Population 
control by unrepresentative and semi-secret rich elites is almost certainly the 
true answer.  III  In The Australian 
on Her Majesty's birthday (21st April) Barry Everingham (a republican obsessive) 
published an astonishing attack on the Queen over her alleged behaviour at the 
time of the death of Princess Diana.  This was roundly rebutted in the Letters 
column (22nd-23rd April) by one Mark McGinness, writing from Dubai in the United 
Arab Emirates. McGinness pointed out that Her Majesty had behaved magnanimously 
at the time by at once ordering that a plane be sent to Paris with the Prince 
of Wales, that the body of the Princess lie in state in the Chapel Royal and that 
there be a full state funeral. No attempt to rebut McGinness has yet appeared 
(29th April, at the time of writing).  The Age published a letter by 
one Alan Lawler of Fairfield (22nd April) who rightly chastised the ungraciousness 
of Smith's article. However, Lawler stated that he is 'a lifelong republican' 
and later added: 'That Australia should become a republic with an Australian head 
of state appointed - and removed - with a two-thirds majority vote of both houses 
of Parliament is a foregone conclusion that John Howard is simply delaying.' The 
Age undoubtedly received strong responses from monarchists to Smith's article, 
but none of any substantial length was published.  Later, however, The Age 
published an opinion article at least partially sympathetic to monarchy ('The 
monarchy is a soap opera, and that's its strength' by Aron Paul, 27th April). 
Paul is a politics tutor at La Trobe University who is writing a book about Australians' 
relationship with royalty. It was not possible from his piece to determine whether 
he is a monarchist or a republican, but I suspect the latter - in which case its 
publication (with its anti-royalist headline) is a flyer for another pro-republican 
work.  Paul pointed out that republicans are politically unwise 'to use the 
unpopularity of individual royals to advance their cause' and 'to peg their sails 
to the rhetoric of "an ageing Queen with an unpopular successor" '. He provided 
a series of reasons why in Britain the transition from Her Majesty to her heir 
is likely to receive strong popular acceptance. He did hold out hope to Australian 
republicans by claiming that, in comparison to Britain, the monarchy has greatly 
declined 'in the rituals of Australian nationhood'; and he challenged Australian 
monarchists to find a means of 'symbolic renewal' of the monarchy here and a new 
linking of it 'to an evolving national story'.  In conclusion, we may note 
that both newspapers felt constrained to publish criticism of their ungracious 
opinion articles in their letter columns. They do not appear to have changed their 
practice of largely omitting opinion articles by fervent monarchists, however. 
 The enormous struggle to change the Australian constitution continues, and 
monarchists must answer the ongoing media war of attrition against the Crown by 
an active and ongoing campaign to persuade a greater number of ordinary citizens 
to actively work to defend our Crown. Perhaps each monarchist reading this 
article may care to send copies of it to five or ten fellow-citizens - and perhaps 
his or her members of Parliament.   | 
     FABIAN 
REPUBLICANISM : BEWARE!by Ian Wilson LL.B. 
 The latest strategy of the republicans is to have up to three indicative referenda 
prior to the holding of a constitutional referendum under section 128.  The 
first referendum poses the question of whether voters "wish to replace the Monarch 
of the United Kingdom with an Australian head of state". The second referendum 
will ask whether voters approve a codification of the powers of the head of state 
and the third referendum will canvas methods of choosing and dismissing a head 
of state.  Notice that the first referendum question simply begs the question 
against Constitutional Monarchists who claim (rightly I believe) that the Queen 
is an Australian 'head of state'. As well, other Constitutional Monarchists claim 
(also rightly) that we do have an Australian head of state : the Governor General. 
 The Australian system has two heads of state ; the Governor General when the 
Queen is not here in Australia and when the Queen is in Australia, the Queen is 
the Queen of Australia. The Queen is essentially the symbolic head of State whilst 
the Governor General is the effective head of state. In any case, the Monarch 
of the United Kingdom is not the Monarch of Australia : only the Monarch of Australia 
is - and, we already have an Australian head of state.  The 
Fabian strategy of the inevitableness of gradualism has worked well for the globalists 
in their strategy to turn Australia, racially and ethnically into an Asian nation, 
and ultimately a colony of China, with, in the longer term, a Chinese constitution. 
 It is being applied by Republicans now to break down our remaining links with 
Australia's past. These links must be destroyed so that Australia can be remade 
anew as a Asian nation in the New World Asiatic Order.  It is ironic that republicans 
yap on about Australia having a "foreign" head of state when "Australia" through 
an undemocratic immigration policy has become an alien nation.  FOR 
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