MR. HOLDING'S LAND CLAIMS TIME BOMB
Last week saw further hysterical anti-League
of Rights outbursts as the Marxist backed and manipulated
Aboriginal land claims movement ran into increasing opposition.
The most vicious attack was by Victorian radical Federal ALP
Member Mr. Pete Steedman, but there was also a smear introduced
into a Magazine article in "The Sun", Melbourne, of
May 5th, by a Mr. David Langsam who painted a glowing picture
of a group of Australians of part Aboriginal background, planning
to restore the Barmah State forest and the Murray River "to
something resembling their former glories". Mr. Langsam describes
the League of Rights as "stridently conservative", which is
at least a change from the usual "right wing extremist" tag.
But the worst blow for the revolutionaries
and their dupes, is the hard hitting attack on the Federal
Government's land claims policy, by one of its own backbenchers,
Mr. Graeme Campbell, representative for the electorate of
Kalgoorlie. Mr. Campbell's letter is circulating widely amongst
ALP groups and is touching a few tender nerves. Campbell rightly
points out that the Aboriginal land claims issue not only
concerns country people, observing that urban people "in the
lower socio-economic stratas - people that we in the Labor
Party have or should have a regard for - feel very strongly
about what they see, what they perceive to be, an advantage
given to any other group".
While it is true, as Campbell says, the
majority of his parliamentary colleagues do not understand
the realities of the Aboriginal land claims issue, the Burke
State Labor government in Western Australia is becoming aware
that the issue could bring down the Government at the next
State Elections. Unlike their colleagues in the Eastern States,
who have tried to avoid the subject, the W.A. State Liberals
have grasped the nettle and openly said they are prepared
to fight an election on Aboriginal land claims.
In Victoria the desperate Dr. Coghill
has written to all Opposition Legislative Council Members,
urging them not to be influenced by the "extremist" League
of Rights. With the Victorian Aboriginal Land claims bill
in the Legislative Council. Mr. Coghill and his colleagues
are now apprehensive that the Liberals may join with the National
Party Councillors to have the Bill thrown out in the Spring
session of Parliament.
The Cain Government knows that the land
claims issue would be a disaster as an election issue. A defeat
for the Cain Government on the land claims issue would also
increase the pressure on Federal Minister for Aboriginal Affairs,
Mr. Clyde Holding. If the Victorian Liberals can follow the
lead of the Western Australian Liberals, they could detonate
a time bomb that would have far reaching national implications.
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MR. HOLDING'S SECOND BARREL
While the anti-land claims campaign pioneered
by the League of Rights has forced Mr. Holding to concede
that his national Aboriginal land claims legislation will
not now be introduced until after the next Federal Elections,
another ominous development has been taking place without
any publicity. The draft of the proposed Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islanders Heritage (Interim Protection) Bill was kept
a close secret until two weeks ago. The Mining Industry was
then given a copy and asked to respond by April 30th.
Even a casual examination of the draft
material confirms the reported view of Mr. Charles Perkins,
recently appointed head of the Department of Aboriginal Affairs:
"if the Heritage Legislation is passed, Land Rights won't
be necessary". As indicated by the title of the proposed legislation,
it is of an interim nature, operating for two years from the
date of commencement. It will then be superseded by comprehensive
national land rights and heritage legislation. The manner
in which the legislation has been rushed forward indicates
that it is seen as an essential first step in the advancement
of a long-term strategy.
The Bill proposes sweeping powers, allegedly
for the purpose of protecting Aboriginal sites and objects.
The legislation would enable the Federal Government to completely
override State rights. No private property will be safe. The
powers granted to the Minister are Draconian. No compensation
will be offered for any detriment to owners or users of property.
In the objectives of the Act, it is stated
that not only Sites on land can be designated for protection,
but also "seas surrounding Australia which are sacred or otherwise
of particular significance to Aboriginals...." The Minister
may receive "an application orally or in writing from or on
behalf of an Aboriginal person or group This opens the door
for the various group of white agitator exploiting the Aborigines.
If the Opposition parties at Canberra can bring themselves
to display some robust commonsense concerning this latest
piece of revolutionary legislation, they will start to demonstrate
that they may be fit to be re-elected to government.
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WHY BE AFRAID OF FREEDOM?
League journals have on occasions republished
some of the articles by Mr. Michael Barnard, Melbourne "Age"
columnist, whose views, and method of expressing them, often
provide a refreshing contrast to much of what appears in what
is sometimes referred to as the "daily edition of the Flinders
Street Tribune".
But we have sympathy with the reader who says that Mr. Barnard's
article, "Anzac with a Goebbels touch", ("Age" 1/5)
"left me feeling depressed; in essence Mr. Barnard, whom I
understand is a Christian, suggests that anyone not agreeing
with his view of history concerning the gassing of six million
Jews, should be equated with Anzac Day desecrators". For our
own part, we must also express our astonishment at Mr. Barnard's
article.
As Mr. Barnard points out, in
West Germany legislation is being introduced to make it a
punishable offence even to verbally express doubts about gas
chambers, particularly at Auschwitz. Clearly the spirit of
Hitler still strongly prevails in Germany today.
In Canada, as in Australia, Zionist
spokesmen have identified themselves with the campaign to
make it an offence to express an alternative viewpoint concerning
history. Responding to an editorial in the Edmonton Journal,
Alberta, Canada, urging "anti-hate" legislation, Mr. Walter
Klink provided a response that at the present time deserves
a wider circulation. We quote from our Canadian contempory,
"On Target" of April 30th:
"Ron Collister's call for a 'clear, strong, enforceable, anti-hate
law' to 'improve, not diminish ... society' betrays a woefully
superficial awareness of the principles of human association
and mutual respect in a free and democratic society. His resort
to non-substantive and emotive catchwords to brand views from
which he dissents as 'hate' and his readiness to label those
who view the world differently as 'hatemongers' suggest the
limits of his own tolerance and respect for the right of other
persons to espouse their opinions - right or wrong.
"In a democratic society, public policy originates with the
people. All policies derive from philosophical bases, that
is, from religion which attempts variously to 'bind back'
(from the Latin religio) to reality and truth. Every
citizen not only has the right but also the responsibility
of unhampered enquiry, criticism, and advocacy concerning
any and all ideological/philosophical/ religious positions
- the respective unique demands of which contribute to the
shaping of public policy. To exercise these rights and responsibilities,
each citizen must enjoy - with absolute legal guarantee of
security regarding person and property - the opportunity of
full communication and exhaustive debate on all issues. No
individual or group may be presumed to possess a monopoly
on either truth or virtue - otherwise all pretence to the
espousal of democracy must be abandoned as pure sham....
"The motives of any persons or groups who do not welcome open
ideological criticism of their philosophy and policy advocacy
must be regarded with suspicion. So long as all citizens are
fully and equally free to criticise and advocate policy, society
can learn and develop through ongoing, unhampered - often
spirited - but civilised ideological debate, each individual
knowing that his input has been heard and considered. Attempts
to legally deny such right of expression have no place in
a free, democratic and Christian society. They emanate from
a dangerous, misguided 'do-goodism' on the one hand and, on
the other, from a thinly disguised unethical strategy of those
holding or aspiring to power to defeat their opponents by
repression - or to subject the established culture to attack
by minority revolutionary groups while denying its members
an opportunity of defence.
"One person's hate is frequently another person's love. Denial
to some citizens of free input into social debate, especially
in difficult economic or political times, can only cause a
rising level of resentment and frustration. Mr. Collister's
stated policy of suppressing ideological expression and debate
will not contribute to the social weal - it is rather more
likely a blueprint for civil war. That is simply a consequence
of one of the immutable principles of human association.
"If Mr. Collister wishes to permit only the state sanctioned
'official' view of theology, philosophy, history, politics
and economics, there exist a number of totalitarian states,
left and right, in which he might find a spiritual home -
Nazi Germany is long since gone, but the Soviet bloc most
likely could provide an appropriate environment".
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FROM HANSARD
We have read the Sex Discrimination Bill
(now act) debate and have picked out several important extracts,
which should be brought to the attention of actionists. We
will not be able to present all of them in this issue of On
Target Bulletin.
Senator Shirley Walters (l3th December
83) (Lib, Tas.)
"We are told by a Government backbencher that petitions mean
nothing. I hope that the Australian people do not really take
him seriously because, according to our Australian Constitution
and the Standing Orders in this place, petitions do mean something.
The honourable senator arrogantly tells the Australian people
that the petitions they have been signing mean nothing to
the Government. I can assure the honourable senator that there
will be a totally different philosophy if the Australian Labor
Party tells us that petitions mean nothing
"
Senator Kathy Martin (9.12.83) (Lib.-Qld.)
..."This (Sex Discrimination Bill by the Hawke Government
involves, of course, the question of jurisdiction and the
use of the Foreign Affairs power in particular to implement
certain aspects of it. I was sorry for a number of reasons
when the High Court of Australia turned down the challenge
to the Bills in relation to southwest Tasmania. My reasons
for that are on the record because I spoke at length on the
Bills in this chamber. I felt a sinking in my heart because
I had a terrible feeling that the decision by the High Court
would give the Government an opening to give us a foreign
affairs power in relation to anti-discrimination legislation
and that it would give some people a stick with which to beat
the principle of anti-discrimination legislation...
Senator Noel Crichton-Browne (Lib.-W.A.)
".... the real intention and purpose of this (Sex Discrimination)
legislation, which enshrines a united Nations Convention,
by the abuse of the spirit of the Constitution through the
external affairs powers, is to redefine and to restructure
the role of all women, more particularly the family unit within
society. It is not a too subtle attempt to destroy the structure,
the fabric, the values and the intrinsic role of the family
unit..."
Senator Florence Bjelke-Petersen (N.P.-Qld)
... "In my opinion the Bill itself, is sexist. It promotes
a legalistic and bureaucratic approach to the enforcement
of morals between the sexes. I find there is a definite contradiction
in that on the one hand it maintains that sexual morality,
including sexual preference, sexual status and pregnancy,
is a private affair, but that the manner of acting towards
someone of the opposite sex is a matter of public concern
and can be regulated by law. The Bill is blatantly sexist
in that it assumes that where other factors do not sway judgment
and where the sole apparent difference between the two applicants
for a job is their sex, I presume, naturally, in this case
it would favour a woman..."
Senator Florence Bjelke-Petersen
... "It includes well over 50 amendments to date and we have
heard that the Opposition is bringing forward some more, and
so is Senator Harradine; so there will be plenty of amendments
to it. In my opinion, after reading it, I think that the best
amendment of all would be to forget about it. I do not think
the Bill is necessary. If we lived in the Middle East, I would
certainly say it was necessary. This legislation is designed,
according to the Bill, to outlaw discrimination on grounds
of sex, marital status or pregnancy in the areas of employment,
education, accommodation, provision of goods, facilities,
and services, disposal of land, activities of clubs, and the
administration of Federal laws and programmes. However, in
effect, I sincerely believe that it will do no more than create
divisions and long-term conflict, not just among women, but
between men and women, religious groups, families and employers..
Our Comment
We have no doubt that Senator Florence Bjelke-Petersen
is correct in her observations. We shall go further! The ostensible
purpose of this Bill (now Act) is to remove, or attempt to
remove some aspects of discrimination against women (and there
HAVE been these aspects in the past e.g. up to the 1880s married
women could not own property: all material assets were, by
law, handed over to the husband on marriage). But such unjust
practices have been being abandoned naturally and organically
with the maturing of society by the sheer weight of experience:
trial and error, What the Humanists/Socialists (who masquerade
behind the name "Labor") are really doing is to build the
Humanist legislation around the skeleton of vestigial male
dominance of society which has not yet been organically abandoned,
but would be without any Sex Discrimination Bill, which is
- in reality - an attack on freedom of speech, expression,
and action. It is definitely a restriction of the rights of
the individual; as all Humanist legislation must be. Next
will come Senator Gareth Evans Bill of Rights! A much further
restriction of the individual's freedom.
Senator Florence Bjelke-Petersen continues
..."This Bill aims at changes in moral and social values that
I do not think should be included. It will infringe on civil
liberties of employers when affirmative action is introduced.
This has been premised by the Minister of Education (Senator
Susan Ryan) in two years' time. Actually I was at a Senate
Committee meeting at which Senator Giles said that affirmative
action would be mandatory. I feel this would take away from
employers the right to hire and fire. Under Clause 29 of this
Bill, positive discrimination in respect of a previously so-called
disadvantaged sex will be lawful..."
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