Science of the Social Credit Measured in Terms of Human Satisfaction
Christian based service movement warning about threats to rights and freedom irrespective of the label, Science of the Social Credit Measured in Terms of Human Satisfaction
"All that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing"
Edmund Burke
Science of the Social Credit Measured in Terms of Human Satisfaction
Home Blog Freedom Potentials The Cross Roads Veritas Books
OnTarget Archives Newtimes Survey Podcast Library Video Library PDF Library
Actionist Corner YouTube Video Channel BitChute Video Channel Brighteon Video Channel Social Credit Library

On Target

19 March 1993. Thought for the Week: "It is quite clear that you cannot be loyal to God in the terms given by Christ which I have just quoted and support in any way legislation, whether financial, economic or social which interferes with freedom of choice and makes masters of people who should be your servants. In other words the whole of the socialistic legislation which interferes with people's rights and property has to be rejected."
John Mitchell, in World Government is Anti-Christian 1993


In historical terms, the 1993 election result defies all political logic. In contemporary terms, the architects of economic disaster have temporarily escaped accountability, and the pollsters and other political gurus have been completely confounded. The survival of Prime Minister Keating, and his Labor administration, has nothing to do with justice, honesty or integrity. It is a direct result of cynical political strategy on behalf of the Labor Party, and a deepening uneasiness and distrust for politicians on the part of the electorate.

It appears that the Keating strategy, upon which he was continually forced to fall back, was simply to demand that we "stick with the devil we know." As the election campaign wore on, it became increasingly clear that lack of renewed vision, and of genuine alternative policy was forcing the A.L.P. to rely more and more heavily on this strategy. In the end, Keating's success lay in the ability to turn the election into a referendum on the G.S.T. Dr. Hewson was reduced to appealing to Australians to "trust him". The answer speaks for itself.


Dr. Hewson is philosophically shallow, relying on numbers, statistics, accountancy; there is little evidence of passion within him - certainly not for tradition and heritage. When quite fundamental issues, such as Keating's proposal to vandalise the Monarchy and Constitution, were raised, Hewson always dismissed them as "Keating's diversions". What was important to Hewson was the statistics - unemployment, tax rates, economic growth, etc. These things are vital, but in a philosophical vacuum, become meaningless to an electorate shaken by an attack upon the very Australian identity.

In place of the original Liberal emphasis on the individual, private enterprise, and nationalism, the Coalition has turned to the "global market" and a vague internationalism that insists that our future is somehow to be found "in Asia". The Coalition did not deserve to win the election. In our view, they could barely have improved upon the disaster of the last 10 years of the A.L.P. Better, in fact, that the Coalition remain out of office until they rediscover that for which they once stood, and give it expression in terms that Australians can understand. The Coalition parties are clearly at their lowest ebb.


Although Senate results are not available, it appears that independents and minor parties have polled poorly for the House of Representatives. The exceptions are welcome: Mr. Ted Mack and Mr. Phil Cleary seem to have been returned. In claiming North Sydney, Ted Mack committed himself to promoting one of the few constructive ideas in the whole campaign: initiative and referenda, with the voters' veto. A number of other independents polled strongly. But it appears essential to face the fact that minor parties did not do well in the Lower House. The Confederate Action Party was unable to make an impact in Queensland, its base. The Democrat vote almost completely collapsed, except in South Australia. This merely underlines the importance of the Senate. It would appear that the new Labor administration will continue to face a hostile Senate; the more hostile, the better. The independent Harradine will be a definite asset.


In the midst of an election, campaign successfully transformed into a type of "gladiatorial" context, a number of the key issues were buried. In particular, the issues of tariffs and the Constitution, both vital, almost failed to surface at all. In claiming the large north Queensland seat of Kennedy, Bob Katter Jnr. emphasised that his success was partly due to the fact that he had defied the Opposition on tariff policy. Katter made it clear that he supported the protection of Australian industries, and that the "level playing field" was a mirage.

The most ominous prospect is a renewed attack upon the Crown, with the full weight of Keating's venom and malice behind it. The claim that Labor has a mandate to pursue this outright vandalism must be vigorously rejected. Keating has no real mandate to do anything. The republican thrust becomes infinitely more dangerous because the Opposition appears impotent in the face of the challenge.

The constitutional issue will become even more vital to the future of a free Australia. Those who would remain loyal to the Monarchy must now translate mere loyalty into informed, constructive, committed action. Many British observers now openly regard the Australian monarchists as the key to the survival of the monarchy in Britain itself.


C.H. Douglas once remarked, in an address at a public meeting, that well within the lifetime of those he was addressing, the forces of evil would appear to be in the ascendancy everywhere. This age of economic misery and spiritual dross would appear to be the fulfillment of such a prophetic comment.

It is now blatantly clear that the Coalition parties are no genuine opposition to the international programme of the centralisation of power on a global scale. Even the critics of the Australian League of Rights are forced to concede that the League is perhaps the most significant of the very few groups that have steadfastly held their position in opposing the development of awesome power in few hands. Only the League has been steadfast in the understanding and defence of vital elements of Australia's heritage. It is now clear that the League of Rights, and those groups with whom we are able to associate constructively, must take a crucial part in the defence of the free society.


The 1993 election must provide final confirmation that merely going through the options of voting at elections does not produce the results that Australians require. If Australia is to survive as a free country, retaining its character, sovereignty, and distinctive heritage, then some means of achieving these objectives apart from casting votes must be embraced.

It must be abundantly clear that campaigning hard for "good" candidates, either as independents or minor party groups, has been unsuccessful. The only answer is to return to the basics of representative government, in which the individual, in association with his neighbours, is faithfully represented in the parliaments, within the constitutional rules. This is a partnership, in which the responsibilities of the individual and his representative are clearly understood, and properly accepted. But so far have we retreated from this partnership, that it is not even understood by the majority of Australians.

The increasingly important role of the League of Rights is to regenerate this partnership, training the individual to accept his responsibility, and equipping him to do so with knowledge, experience and encouragement. The regeneration of genuine representative government is the only answer to the centralisation of power. It is the only means by which the monopoly of finance can ever be broken.

The role of the individual, as Sir Robert Menzies once said, is absolutely vital. And as a movement providing specialist service in this field, the responsibility of the League is to ensure that the necessary training of the individual takes place. We search in vain for any other movement equipped to undertake the task.


The most effective training tool ever developed by the League is the Social Dynamics School. This was developed by Mr. Eric Butler, in association with other senior Social Crediters in the 1960s. The widespread use of this School in Canada, Australia and New Zealand, became a turning point for the League of Rights. Almost overnight the League received renewed attention in the form of increasingly malicious attacks.

The value of the League's training programme was immediately recognised by the enemies of freedom. And the key element in this training programme is ACTION. The totalitarians do not mind merely anti-communist or anti-Fabian movements. The only threat to the totalitarian programme is active and informed resistance. This is why the League became such a threat. We propose to step up the League's training schools.

In the last six months, the Social Dynamics School has been turned into a semiprofessional Seminar, which can have a major impact. We propose to use it more widely than ever before, to produce committed individuals who can act constructively in defending Australian sovereignty. The use of video and audio material, together with the best and most comprehensive range of written literature will continue to flood out. And there is a vital role to be played by every supporter of the League in every part of the country.

The next three years could see the heaviest demands upon the services of the League ever. We must be ready to accept the challenge. As the political and constitutional crisis intensifies, the League will be forced more and more into the centre of the turmoil.

© Published by the Australian League of Rights, P.O. Box 27 Happy Valley, SA 5159