Flag of the Commonwealth of Australia
 
 
Christian based service movement warning about threats to rights and freedom irrespective of the label.
"All that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing"
Edmund Burke
Flag of the Commonwealth of Australia
 
 
Home blog.alor.org Newtimes Survey The Cross-Roads Library
OnTarget Archives The Social Crediter Archives NewTimes Survey Archives Brighteon Video Channel Veritas Books

On Target

14 October 2005 Thought for the Week: Social Credit is a policy, and the only policy extant which offers citizens freedom in security, and the practical means to keep government in its proper place. It is the exact antithesis of totalitarianism."
Bryan W. Monahan in "An Introduction to Social Credit," 1967.

CONSPIRACIES OF THE ELITES: THE MARCH OF THE HUMAN WHITE ANTS

by John Peterson and Rohan Phillips

"The purpose of this letter is to suggest the enrichment of the English language by the introduction of a much-needed term to describe the people… who loudly emphasise the atrocities committed by whites against coloured people while hushing up information concerning similar or worse atrocities committed by coloured people.
We are talking, here, about white people who are engaged in the nasty work of undermining their own race, just as white ants undermine a building. So how could we better describe them than as "human white ants"?[1]

Nationalist writers have been ridiculed by a number of journalists and academics for the idea that there was a loosely structured, but hierarchical group of "new class elites" who are aiming to reconstruct Australia through the destruction of traditional Australia. They support Asianisation, multiculturalism and mass immigration. They are republicans, believing that a republic best reflects cosmopolitan and globalist values. And they are anti-Anglo racists, believing that no other ethno-racial group can do wrong. In this brief essay we will document the existence of literature by journalists and academics which taken as a whole goes a long way to supporting on an independent basis the idea that our destiny is controlled by a band of elites pursuing their own conspiratorial agenda.

The idea of a "new class" arose first in debates about the status of intellectuals in Eastern European Communism.[2] There are however earlier traces of this type of concept in classical sociology (particularly Weber and Durkheim). There are definite statements about the rule of the elites (including an intelligentsia class) in the works of the Italian social theorists Gaetano Mosca (1858-1941) ("Elementi di scienza politica" (1895) ("The Ruling Class")) and Vilfredo Pareto (1848-1923) ("Trattoto di sociologia generale") (1916) ("The Mind and Society") and the German sociologist Robert Michels (1878-1936) "Political Parties" (1911). The American sociologist C. Wright Mills in "The Power Elite"[3] and Alvin Gouldner in "The Future of the Intellectuals and the Rise of the New Class"[4] also developed that fundamental idea. Katherine Betts used Gouldner's work in her "Ideology and Immigration"[5] being a critique of Australia's immigration policy. However, before Betts, other Australian writers dealt with the theme of the treason of the upper middle class.

The Politically Correct
John Carroll in an essay entitled "Paranoid and Remissive: The Treason of the Upper Middle Class"[6] described a "remissive class" as coinciding with what sociologists have called a "New Class". This class has set the cultural agenda since the 1960s. It includes the teaching professions, government bureaucracy, media, arts administration and the universities. Universities were the birth-place of remissive culture. On Carroll's analysis the student radicals of the 1960s turned against the culture of old Australia with vehement hatred, primarily because of its weakness. Radicals come from families with strong dominant mothers and weak fathers. Deprived of authoritative male influence they turned against their societies in a rampage of hatred and destruction. Their counter-culture was puritanical. Their parents were worshipping false gods. The students would smash the golden calf and create a new world.[7] The world created was not, as is often said, a morally relative one, but on the contrary, a new moral absolutism: everything must be politically correct. This notion itself was derived from Chairman Mao.

Much has been written using these basic concepts. Paul Kelly has spoken of a "new class divide" in Australia.[8] Other "conservative" writers, have expressed similar themes[9] including most recently David Flint in his book "The Twilight of the Elites".[10] On the Left, the theme of the cultural elites dominating Australian life, for better of for worse, can be found in Mark Davis' "Gangland".[11]

Paul Sheehan in "Among the Barbarians"[12] went to the top of the best seller lists by exposing the racial politics used by the Australian Labor Party, including ethnic branch stacking.[13] Michael Atkinson, a senior Labor State MP (South Australia) said in 1999 that ethnic minorities, usually Greek, Vietnamese, Croatian, Turkish, Slav-Macedonian or of Kurdish backgrounds, were often signed up to help "an ALP member who wants to be elected to a position in the branch or pre-selected for parliament.[14] The activities of these elites is discussed in the works of Katharine Betts, "The Great Divide" [15] and Bob Browning "Boom and Gloom".[16]

It is instructive though to look at the new class in action. On the Left consider a leading intellectual Manning Clark. Clark was best known for "A History of Australia". His publisher Peter Ryan said in 1993: "Of the many things in my life upon which I must look with shame, the chieftest is that of having been the publisher of Manning Clark's "A History of Australia".[17] Clark was on many occasions drunk for lectures. Ryan notes Clark's "virulent prejudice" against the English and Clark confessed to Ryan that he loathed the English. When book V was published in 1981 Quadrant asked five of Australia's leading historians to review it. All five rejected the offer stating that the book was terrible. They did not have the guts to say so in print, a trait of intellectual cowardice common to Australia's intelligentsia.

One of the most successful federations in history
Clark's account of Australia in the period of 1888-1915 portrayed a nation close to bloody revolution under the yoke of British imperialism, when in fact although it was a time of economic depression, the period was peaceful and saw the formulation of one of the most successful federations in history. Clark expressed his race hatred of Anglo-Australia like a good white ant in The Herald 22 March 1989: "I believe very strongly we must fight for the end of the Anglo-Celtic domination of Australia. We must fight for the end of that situation in which case those, like myself, who are descendants of the Anglo-Celts say that 'no one else would really be suitable in a top position in Australia'." All this from someone who owned properties, lived in the leafiest part of Canberra and lived off of the Anglo-Celts whom he despised. Imagine Clark's fate if he was Japanese and said the same thing about Japan in Japan. Clark may or may not have been a Soviet "agent of influence"[18] but he was the next worse thing.

From the Left, let us turn to the Right
Professor Robert Manne, who is Jewish, was particularly disturbed by "Pauline Hanson: The Truth". Although he often criticised "political correctness" in the pages of Quadrant during his editorship, he kept the issues of Asianisation, multiculturalism and immigration out of this magazine. When the philosopher David Stove wrote a brilliant paper defending "racism" Manne went to the Quadrant board to stop Peter Coleman publishing the paper. Coleman resigned.[19] So much for free speech. Then there was the feud between Manne and Les Murray over an essay by one of the old guard on anti-Semitism in Manning Clark, which Manne had also rejected.[20] Although Manne portrays himself as a conservative, his position on most things that matter is on the Liberal-left. In a letter to The Australian G.A.F. Connolly says that Manne's "liberalism" (notice not "conservatism") is a tradition "which courageously junked the White Australia Policy in the 1960s, and which sought to offer an out-stretched hand to the refugees of South-East Asian communist regimes in the 1970s. It believed and still believes that Australia's future lay in open, independent engagement with its destiny rather than a headlong, scarred retreat into isolation". [21]

Let us conclude this piece by a glimpse at our universities. The Australian National University has been described by novelist Fay Weldon as the "most savagely conspiratorial university in the world".[22] The ANU was influential in creating the policies of multiculturalism, APEC and tariff reductions. Professor Ross Garnaut became a member of the "Manchu Court" as PM Bob Hawke's economic adviser. He was a leading promoter of deregulation, trade liberalisation and Asianisation. The Research School of Pacific Studies laid the intellectual foundations for APEC, a project worked on since the 1960s, especially by academics like Professor Peter Drysdale. As another example, Professor Jerzy Zubryzcki, Foundation Professor of Sociology in the Faculties, in a 1968 citizenship convention in Canberra, gave a paper on "cultural pluralism" that ultimately supplied the foundation for the policy of multiculturalism. Dr. Michael McKinley, himself a senior lecturer in political science in the faculty of arts, described the activities of some sections of ANU's Institute of Advanced Studies as "a form of high class academic prostitution for government clients".[23]

"Academic prostitution" is a good phrase to describe Australia's Asianised universities
A culture of learning has been replaced by a culture of production. The universities fell over themselves in fear at the pinnacle of One Nation's rise, frightened that there may be a fall off in full fee paying Asian students. A fall in international students at Central Queensland University (CQU) Rockhampton Campus in 1998, according to Vice-Chancellor Lauchlan Chipman (who criticised multiculturalism in Quadrant in the 1980s and debated Gareth Evans (who remembers him?)) was blamed on Hansonism. The CQU used a multicultural affair in Rockhampton on 9 August 1998 to beam positive images into the Asia media. (Oh mighty Asian gods, forgive us for we know not what we do!)[24]
Earlier in 1997 the heads of Australia's eight big universities launched a campaign in the Asia Pacific to counter the Hanson factor.[25] In a great show to liberalism, the University of Southern Queensland declared One Nation was not welcome on its campus. Thus, in summary, there was no place for Hanson's philosophy in a "modern caring" university - that is, one caring about its full fee paying students.[26]

Australian universities have become degree mills
In some Australian university courses, such as medicine, over 90 per cent of the students are Asian. By 2010, IDP Education Australia predicts that there will be 200,000 international students. Armitage has said: "it is a common claim among academics that overseas students are accepted under spurious entrance criteria ahead of qualified students, then herded through courses despite inadequate performance so they can make way for the next lot of milch cows".[27] Armitage says that ANU even gives overseas students extra reading time in exams. "Bill di Maria, a self-described academic dissenter at the University of Queensland, says colleagues have come to him with claims of being subjected to "subtle pressure" from above when they have tried to fail work submitted by international students".[28]

A survey of 1,000 Australian academics found that full fee paying students were usually passed by another academic if failed (Radio JJJ, 7 January 2001).[29] Other university scans are reported in The Australian of 29 November 1995, including biased marking to favour overseas students, two separate examination papers, and passing overseas students at grades of 87 or 93 where a similar paper from a non-overseas student would have got 40 per cent. Plagiarism of essays among Asian students, especially overseas students is part of the common knowledge of the campus. For example, a RMIT (Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology) Chinese student sold papers and sat exams for overseas students at $800 a time. He was given a small fine and let off.[30]

Emeritus Professor Frank Crowley has said: "Australian universities have become degree mills managed by revenue-raising megalomaniacal corporate entrepreneurs, and are rapidly losing their identity as people-places". [31] Australia's institutions of higher education are intellectually corrupt. Perhaps they are so far gone that they are beyond saving.[32] In which case, as M.L. Menchen (1880-1956) once recognised, the solution is not to try to put out the "fires", but rather to allow them to "burn".

With the information technology revolution, outside of scientific research, the universities are probably not needed by a healthy society. Arguably, scientific and biomedical research is best done in specialist research centres any way.

Notes

1. John F. Kerr (Letter) The Sydney Morning Herald, 10 November 1993, P.15.
2. As correctly noted by P.P. McGuinness, "The Truth About the Rise of the New Class," The Sydney Morning Herald, 3 May, 1997, p.42.
3. C.W. Milk, "The Power Elite" (Oxford University Press, New York, 1956).
4. A. Gouldner, "The Future of the Intellectuals and the Rise of the New Class," (Seabury Press, New York, 1979).
5. K. Betts, "Ideology and Immigration: Australia 1976 to1987," (Melbourne University Press, Melbourne 1988).
6. J. Carroll, "Paranoid and Remissive: The Treason of the Upper Middle Class". In R. Manne (ed), "The New Conservatism in Australia," (Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 1982), pp.1-16; J. Carroll, "Puritan, Paranoid, Remissive," (Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1977).
7. L. Menand, "Life in the Stone Age," The New Republic, 7 and 14 January 1991, pp.38-44.
8. P. Kelly, "New Class Divide Rooted in Distrust," The Australian, 8 November 1999 and P. Kelly (ed) "Future Tense," (Allen and Unwin, St. Leonards, 1999).
9. M. Warby, "Print's Elite Puts Virtue Above Veracity," The Australian, 22 June 2000, pp.14-15 (Paul Kelly is against the evils of 'race-based" politics - apart from race-based apologies and property rights". (p.14) P. Walsh, "Authoritarian Elites," The Adelaide Review, July 1999, p.17; C. Pearosn, "Elites Face Being Left behind," The Weekend Australian, 22.23 November 2003 p.22.
10. D. Flint, "The Twilight of the Elites," (Freedom Publishing, North Melbourne, 2003).
11. M. Davis, "Gangland: Cultural Elites and the New Generationalism," (Allen and Unwin, St. Leonards, 1997).
12. P. Sheehan, "Among the Barbarians," (Random House, Sydney, 1998).
13. Better than Sheehan's book is L. Allan, "Ethnic Recruitment or Ethnic Branch Stacking? Factionalism and Ethnicity in the Victorian ALP," People and Place, vol.8, no.1, 2000, pp.28-38.
14. M. Abraham, "Ethnic Warlords Drive Labor: MP," The Australian, 22 April, 1999, p.2. Colin Rubenstein has said that "to suggest it [the immigration programme] is driven by pampered ethnic lobbies defies reality". But it has precisely been "reality" which the ethnic warlords have defied. C. Rubenstein, "Negatives Aside, Pluralism is a Positive Function," The Australian 23 December 1991, p.11.
15. K. Betts, "The Great Divide: Immigration Politics in Australia," (Duffy and Snellgrove, Sydney, 1999).
16. B. Browning, "Boom and Gloom: Who's Doing What to Australia?" (Canonbury Press, Kew, 1997).
17. P. Ryan, "Manning Clark," Quadrant, September 1993.
18. The Courier Mail, 27 June 1998, pp.3, 28. Clark in 1970 delivered a speech in Russian in Moscow describing Lenin as one of the "greatest teachers of humanity". In Clark's book, "Meeting Soviet Man," Lenin is described as "Christ-like, at least in his compassion".
19. P. Coleman, "Quadrant takes a Mortal Blow," The Sydney Morning Herald, 18 November 1997, p.19; P. Coleman, "Magazine's Latest Stormy Chapter Provides a Lesson for Publishers," The Age, 18 November 1997, p.A13.
20. R. Manne, "Between the Party Lines," The Age, 17 November 1997, p.A11.
21. G.A.F. Connolly (Letter) The Australian, 25 November 1997, p.14.
22. C. Armitage, "A Degree of Influence: ANU and Government," The Australian, 31 July 1996, p.17.
23. As above.
24. D. Illing, "Hanson Blamed for Fall at CQU," The Australian, 15 July 1998, p.35.
25. L.M. Garcia, "Message to Asia: Ignore Hanson, Study here," The Sydney Morning Herald 18 August 1997, p.1; B. Leal, "Educators Must Begin to Take Hansonism Seriously," The Australian 8 July 1998, p.42.
26. G. Roberts, "Let Hanson Talk, Say Libertarians," The Sydney Morning Herald 13 August 1997, p.7.
27. C. Armitage, "Degrees of Doubt," The Weekend Australian, Review, 31 August-1 September 1996, pp.1-2.
28. As above.
29. J. Gava, "Too Busy Writing to Think," The Australian, 28 March 2001, p.46.
30. D. Illing, "Legal Action Threat Over Plagiarism," The Australian, 16 July 2000, p.29. Allegations were made in October 2003 that cheating and plagiarism among fee-paying students at the University of Newcastle's partner institution in Malaysia were ignored or covered up. Malaysian students who had plagiarised work were permitted to resubmit, their work then being marked by another staff member who gave them credits and distinctions. M. Giglio, "Ethnics Group to Probe Newcastle's Policies," The Australian, 1 October 2003, p.23.
31. F. Crowley, "Degrees Galore: Australia's Academic Teller Machines," (The Author, Port Macquarie, 1998) (back cover).
32. Almost 25 per cent of the committee members of the Australian Research Council were successful in the 2003 Discovery Grant round. We are expected to believe that there is no old boys network at work here, but that these members are just good researchers. Well, maybe they are. But any organisation seriously about objective fairness, and in appearing fair would not permit committee members of the ARC to apply for ARC grants. A narrow range of politically correct topics in the social sciences and humanities especially gender, seems to dominate the grant list. D. Cooper, "Grants Provoke Anger," The Australian, 22 October 2003, p.30.

AUSTRALIANS' TRUE HERITAGE

Recently in Adelaide South Australia [1] Dr. David Mitchell reminded his audience:

It is a long time ago that Alfred the Great introduced a system of law based on the Ten Commandments and the Christian Scriptures. About 850AD in fact.

King Alfred said at the time that the people of Wessex must have judges to determine the issue before them on the basis of the principles in the Christian Scriptures. The King acknowledged that he also was subject to the law and this must never be forgotten. In which case, he must have his advisers, a Witagemot, (a council, a parliament) to advise him how the people are to be protected and how their wishes are to be effected and made part of the way that the land runs.

He declared that he as King could not make any decisions of government contrary to the Scriptures and his parliamentary advisers must give him wise counsel. And when the Courts, as they might from time to time, be mistaken and give a wrong judgement, then that can be corrected by the Parliament. That is, the advisors and the King, by legislation, could right the wrong. That, in fact, was the original purpose of legislation.

A system of checks and balances
In 1770 a famous lawyer named Blackstone wrote a number of books known as "Commentaries on the English Law" wherein he explained the Constitutional Monarchical system of England as a system of checks and balances.
1. The Parliament checks and balances the Courts.
2. The Courts place a check and balance on the Government and on the Monarch.
3. The Monarch checks and balances the Parliament.
And it was this concept of checks and balances and body of Christian-based principles of Law that the early settlers brought with them to this land in 1788.

The Colonies, i.e., New South Wales, South Australia, etc., as they matured to Statehood, went on to establish their own Governor that stands in place of the King or Queen, as the case may be, their own Parliaments and their own Courts.
Then in 1900 and 1901, the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution came into force. The Constitution of the Commonwealth came about when the States concluded that it would be in their best interest to co-operate for certain restrictive and particular purposes, and they entered into an agreement with one another for the purpose of implementing those specific and restricted purposes.
That contract or agreement really did need to be by legislation because each State had its own legislation, then the legislature in England had certain powers also, and just so that there could be no mistaking the agreements to the Commonwealth of Australia, the Commonwealth Constitution was enacted by legislation.

It did not need to include any protections for the people of the Commonwealth of Australia, they already existed by virtue of the constitution that they had inherited.
It did not need to establish a system of checks and balances; it did not need to recognize a court structure - they were already there.

The Cultivation of History
In the early days of the Social Credit movement, Hewlett Edwards grasped the importance of the historical group of ideas 'clustering round' the concept of a Constitution and saw them as important 'signposts' to guide future generations.[2]
· The Gospels
· The Christian Creeds which clearly states that Reality is threefold, not unitarian, not dualistic.
· Magna Carta

While the principles were clearly stated in the Creeds they were not related by the medieval minds to the problems of power and authority - and are still a problem and not understood by this era's Christian Churches.
They simply cannot see that the Christian statements about the Ultimate Reality, God, has any relevance to modern man and the world in which he lives.

Hewlett Edwards saw it as baffling that the Creeds were not seen to have a political analogue, i.e., being an example to something else and precisely suited to immediate - and difficult - circumstances.
Reality is threefold, and that idea, as more fully developed in the Athanasian Creed, must to the extent of man's capacity, be reflected in his institutions.

The battle between Church and State
For a thousand years there had been an ongoing controversy between Church and State - Authority and Power.
To the great minds of those days absolute government was the only possible form of government, and although the democratic derivation of a Prince's powers was closely canvassed, a democratic share in central administration was neither thought of nor discussed.
Hewlett Edwards observed, the Church, over many generations, had pursued a policy of its supremacy and had ventured far into the temporal sphere, thereby building up the stresses and pressures which prefaced the "Reformation".
In their lifetimes, Henry VIII of England and Phillip II of Spain followed the same monopolistic ideals.

Edwards warned: "The prolonged endeavour to force action which was against the nature of reality shattered the polity in which it existed, as in the end it will shatter any policy in which it is tolerated.
Rejection of the tripodal framework - the only framework which fits man and society into the Universe - has, in its later course, exalted Totalitarianism, Communism, and now an oncoming Luciferianism salutes and summons the "Atomic Age".

Magna Carta: The trinitarian idea was not always and completely denied as is seen in the unfolding of the English constitution.
In 1215 King John tried to combine Authority, Power and Law in his own person and brought the constitutional issue to a head. The Barons at Runnymede stood as an embodiment of the people of England - all England.
It was the outcome and incarnation of the interlocking activities of Church, State and People.

The purpose at Runnymede was to bring the King to recognise his limitations in the threefold structure by the implementation of the rights of the other parties. Magna Carta was the sign and confirmation of this. [3]

In this day and age the Australian people also have great battles on their hands.
Those who went before, set up a constitutional framework whereby the people, that is you, me, us, could have a representative government with its own checks and balances.
The political parties have nigh on destroyed representative government and John Winston Howard is busily gnawing away at what remains of the trinitarian structure.

The issue facing us all is:
Can Australians forget their differences and bring the Third Dynamic to the fore in the battles ahead?

Runnymede revealed it, Magna Carta recorded it and our Commonwealth Constitution confirms it:
"Whereas (WE) THE PEOPLE…, HUMBLY RELYING ON THE BLESSING OF ALMIGHTY GOD, HAVE AGREED TO UNITE… To save our Commonwealth, protect our freedoms and insist all systems and institutions are there to serve us - not to betray us and/or dominate us.

Or are we to be a defeated People, fading into history as have the Rhodesians and now the South Africans -
and be a People no more?

Notes:
1. Dr. David Mitchell's audio tapes "The Spirit of Australia's Constitution and History".
2. "Our Essential Christian Heritage," by Eric D. Butler.
3. "The Cultivation of History," by Hewlett Edwards.

© Published by the Australian League of Rights, P.O. Box 27 Happy Valley, SA 5159